--- title: Opening — Ikom folk stories from Southern Nigeria · full text with trees description: Opening, «Ikom folk stories from Southern Nigeria» by Elphinstone Dayrell: the whole chapter, every sentence with its dependency tree and pragmatics. It begins: ROYAL ANTHROPOLOGICAL INSTITUTE. --- [Mova](https://md.mova.elamur.ai/free/en/) · [this page in HTML](https://mova.elamur.ai/free/en/corpora/tales/pg70959/1/) [home](https://md.mova.elamur.ai/free/en/) / [corpora](https://md.mova.elamur.ai/free/en/corpora/) / [tales](https://md.mova.elamur.ai/free/en/corpora/tales/) / [Ikom folk stories from Southern Nigeria](https://md.mova.elamur.ai/free/en/corpora/tales/pg70959/) / Opening # Opening Opening of «Ikom folk stories from Southern Nigeria» by Elphinstone Dayrell: the whole text, 130 sentences and 3524 words. The small number after every sentence leads to its own page with its syntax tree and pragmatics, parsed by Mova itself. **1** [2](https://md.mova.elamur.ai/free/en/corpora/tales/pg70959/1/page/2/) ROYAL ANTHROPOLOGICAL INSTITUTE.[1](1/ "tree and pragmatics") IKOM FOLK STORIES FROM SOUTHERN NIGERIA.[2](2/ "tree and pragmatics") BY[3](3/ "tree and pragmatics") E. DAYRELL,[4](4/ "tree and pragmatics") \_District Commissioner, Southern Nigeria\_.[5](5/ "tree and pragmatics") OCCASIONAL PAPERS, No. 3.[6](6/ "tree and pragmatics") LONDON: PUBLISHED BY THE Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland.[7](7/ "tree and pragmatics") 50, GREAT RUSSELL STREET, LONDON, W.C.[8](8/ "tree and pragmatics") 1913.[9](9/ "tree and pragmatics") PREFACE.[10](10/ "tree and pragmatics") These folk stories have been told to me by natives of the various countries to which they relate in the Ikom district of Southern Nigeria.[11](11/ "tree and pragmatics") In all cases they have had to be translated by an interpreter, and frequently it has been found necessary to employ two.[12](12/ "tree and pragmatics") Some of the stories are very old and have been handed down from one generation to another, but it is most difficult, almost impossible, to judge with any degree of accuracy how old they really are.[13](13/ "tree and pragmatics") The word “dowry” comes frequently into these tales, and is used as meaning the amount paid to the parents of the girl by the husband.[14](14/ "tree and pragmatics") In the introduction to my \_Folk Stories from Southern Nigeria\_, published in 1910, Mr. Andrew Lang suggests that the term “bride-price” would better express the institution, and, no doubt, he is perfectly right.[15](15/ "tree and pragmatics") I have, however, adhered to the old expression of “dowry” as it is in general use, and is so well known on the “Coast.”[16](16/ "tree and pragmatics") When a man is asked how much “dowry” he paid for his wife, he will frequently produce his “bush book,” consisting of bundles of small sticks tied round with “tie-tie,” one bundle for each year.[17](17/ "tree and pragmatics") He will then take one stick from a bundle, and holding it up will say: “That is two calabashes of tombo I gave to the father.”[18](18/ "tree and pragmatics") He will then place the stick on the ground and take another, saying “This is one fathom of cloth I gave to the girl.”[19](19/ "tree and pragmatics") The next stick may represent twenty yams given to the mother, and the following sticks may mean twenty-five rods, a silk handkerchief, a bar of soap and some bottles of gin.[20](20/ "tree and pragmatics") And so he goes on until the bundles are finished, the value of each article being noted in order to ascertain the total amount paid.[21](21/ "tree and pragmatics") The marriage customs vary considerably in different parts of the district.[22](22/ "tree and pragmatics") In most of the Cross River towns above Abaragba there is no restriction placed on young girls as to sexual intercourse, but when they are married twenty-five pieces of cloth (value 5s. per piece) would be paid as damages for adultery.[23](23/ "tree and pragmatics") There is, however, an old custom existing between several towns that no damages can be claimed for adultery.[24](24/ "tree and pragmatics") It may be of interest to the reader to state here briefly the usual form of marriage in vogue in this district as the point of several of the tales turns on the position of the woman with reference to her husband or lover.[25](25/ "tree and pragmatics") I do not, however, propose to enter into details, but merely to indicate what constitutes a binding form of marriage in this part of the country according to native custom.[26](26/ "tree and pragmatics") When a man takes a fancy to a young girl and wishes to marry her, he informs the parents of his intention, and gives them presents.[27](27/ "tree and pragmatics") For example, the mother would receive a piece of cloth, and the father a piece of cloth and two bottles of gin.[28](28/ "tree and pragmatics") The brothers and sisters of the girl would be given \_tombo\_ to drink, and in addition the sisters would receive one fathom of cloth each.[29](29/ "tree and pragmatics") The man would work on the parents’ farm for some months, and the girl would receive small presents from time to time.[30](30/ "tree and pragmatics") Later the mother would be given two bars of salt, one spoon, one bar of soap, and twenty yams, the balance of the dowry being paid on the completion of the marriage ceremony.[31](31/ "tree and pragmatics") The girl would go and live with the man.[32](32/ "tree and pragmatics") If she did not prove satisfactory, she would be returned to her parents, who would refund the amount of dowry received up to date, and the girl would be given a present of about 8\_s.\_; she could then marry another man.[33](33/ "tree and pragmatics") If, however, she satisfied the man, he would then have her circumcized by her parents, and the man would touch her with camwood.[34](34/ "tree and pragmatics") Having done this he would hand the girl over to his best friend to rub all over with camwood.[35](35/ "tree and pragmatics") The man would then build a house for the woman, being helped with the mudding of the walls by his sisters and the sisters of the girl.[36](36/ "tree and pragmatics") He would then buy two pieces of cloth and one blanket, and hang them round the walls of the house.[37](37/ "tree and pragmatics") While the girl was being rubbed with camwood the friends of the husband would give her presents of sometimes four or five rods each, and his best friend would fire off a gun in the compound where the girl was.[38](38/ "tree and pragmatics") When the parents heard the gun, they would go in and say: “There is your wife, we have handed her over to you.”[39](39/ "tree and pragmatics") The man would then tell everybody that the girl was his wife.[40](40/ "tree and pragmatics") The girl would remain in one room for about two weeks after the above-mentioned operation, until the wound was healed, and then the man would give a feast to all his friends, the cost of the food forming part of the dowry.[41](41/ "tree and pragmatics") The girl would then go to live with her husband, and the ceremony would be completed.[42](42/ "tree and pragmatics") There appears to be a considerable divergence of opinion between the chiefs and the young men as to whom the children brought forth by a woman before her marriage should belong.[43](43/ "tree and pragmatics") Most of the old chiefs say that such children should go to the man who marries the mother and pays the dowry, as children are a valuable asset.[44](44/ "tree and pragmatics") On the other hand, the younger generation maintain that when the children are old enough to leave their mother they should be handed over to their proper fathers.[45](45/ "tree and pragmatics") This conflict of opinion is not difficult to follow, as the young men are generally the fathers of the children born before marriage, and the old chiefs who are wealthy are generally the husbands, and both the putative fathers and the lawful husbands are anxious to possess the children.[46](46/ "tree and pragmatics") It is a vexed question, and each case would be decided upon its own merits, the opinion of the parents of the woman weighing largely in the balance.[47](47/ "tree and pragmatics") This opinion is influenced to a great extent by the value of the presents received from the young man and how much he has helped the parents with their work on the farm.[48](48/ "tree and pragmatics") If the parents were satisfied, they would probably say that the child or children should belong to the father, but if, on the other hand, the presents were not large enough, they would most likely urge that the children of their daughter born before she was married should belong to her lawful husband.[49](49/ "tree and pragmatics") It should be remembered that the feelings of the girl are in no way considered, and she is handed to the man, as a wife, who is in a position to pay the largest amount of dowry.[50](50/ "tree and pragmatics") It is therefore often somewhat difficult to distinguish the difference between the dowry paid for a girl on her marriage and the price which was formerly paid for a slave, seeing that the inclinations of the girl are not consulted and she has absolutely no say in the matter of a choice of husband.[51](51/ "tree and pragmatics") When the dowry is paid she is taken away from her lover, together with any children she may have had by him, and handed over to the husband by her parents, the question of the rightful ownership of the children being settled usually when they are old enough to leave their mother.[52](52/ "tree and pragmatics") In the olden days when “might was right,” these children were taken by the husband, who kept them by the “strong hand” if he were sufficiently powerful; but there is a growing feeling amongst the younger chiefs and the more intelligent trading classes that the children born before marriage should be given to the father when they are weaned.[53](53/ "tree and pragmatics") It will be observed on perusing some of these stories that in several of them the greater part of the tale has nothing, apparently, to do with the main object, which frequently might be dismissed in a few sentences.[54](54/ "tree and pragmatics") But that will not surprise anyone who knows the native well, as he can never come to the point at once, but must always first beat about the bush.[55](55/ "tree and pragmatics") For example, a native will come to make a complaint that certain goods belonging to him have been stolen and he wants to have the thief punished.[56](56/ "tree and pragmatics") After the usual salutations have been exchanged, he will make his complaint, which when translated by the interpreter will be something like the following: “My father and father (grandfather) catch one man goat and one woman goat.[57](57/ "tree and pragmatics") They done born two piccane.[58](58/ "tree and pragmatics") One piccane done die and leff one piccane.[59](59/ "tree and pragmatics") Them piccane, them leff, born two piccane.[60](60/ "tree and pragmatics") My father and father done die and him brother take all them thing; but he be big hunter man and no care them goat too much, so he done dash my father.[61](61/ "tree and pragmatics") My father catch one slave man, they call ’im Okon and he good man, so my father dash him them two goat.[62](62/ "tree and pragmatics") Okon catch wife and two piccane.[63](63/ "tree and pragmatics") One be mammie piccane they call ’im Awa, she fine too much, when she done grow I marry her proper and take her brother Abassi for make my head boy.[64](64/ "tree and pragmatics") Last moon I send him Calabar for my canoe with twenty bag kernel and one puncheon palm oil.[65](65/ "tree and pragmatics") I tell ’im for factory and bring tobacco and cloth and gin.[66](66/ "tree and pragmatics") He done catch them thing and one night he stop for one country, he no know how them call him.[67](67/ "tree and pragmatics") Them people come and thief them gin for night time but he no look them man cause he live for sleep, so I make them boy pay for them gin and now I want catch them thief man.”[68](68/ "tree and pragmatics") Anyone who takes the trouble to read these folk stories seriously will notice that a great deal has to be taken for granted or understood.[69](69/ "tree and pragmatics") Although I have made a special study of witchcraft, ju-ju, and poison, and the various societies in this district for over nine years, I must confess that I understand and \_know\_ for certain very little about ju-ju.[70](70/ "tree and pragmatics") In fact, the more one learns about ju-ju the more hopeless it seems.[71](71/ "tree and pragmatics") It must seem incredible to people at home that a man can die because a ju-ju has been made against him--for example, two sticks crossed on the path with, say, a rotten egg and a fowl stuck on a stick, the man’s name having been “called.”[72](72/ "tree and pragmatics") And yet one knows of numerous instances where men have died, and young, healthy men, too, against whom such a ju-ju has been made.[73](73/ "tree and pragmatics") The man whose name has been “called” and who has passed the ju-ju firmly believes in its power to kill him, and he will go home, refuse to eat, and in a short time will pine away and die.[74](74/ "tree and pragmatics") He will probably also just before he dies accuse the man whom he thinks made the ju-ju of having witched him.[75](75/ "tree and pragmatics") It is always possible, of course, in these cases, that poison may have been administered, but it is most difficult to get any proof.[76](76/ "tree and pragmatics") No amount of argument has any effect on the native mind, and you cannot convince the man that a ju-ju, such as the one mentioned above, is harmless.[77](77/ "tree and pragmatics") They generally reply: “Black man ju-ju no be strong enough to hurt white man, but black man he go die one time.”[78](78/ "tree and pragmatics") **1** [2](https://md.mova.elamur.ai/free/en/corpora/tales/pg70959/1/page/2/) - next →: [page 2](https://md.mova.elamur.ai/free/en/corpora/tales/pg70959/1/page/2/) - ↑ back to [Ikom folk stories from Southern Nigeria](https://md.mova.elamur.ai/free/en/corpora/tales/pg70959/)