--- title: Opening — Ikom folk stories from Southern Nigeria · full text with trees · page 2 description: Opening, «Ikom folk stories from Southern Nigeria» by Elphinstone Dayrell: the whole chapter, every sentence with its dependency tree and pragmatics. It begins: ROYAL ANTHROPOLOGICAL INSTITUTE. --- [Mova](https://md.mova.elamur.ai/free/en/) · [this page in HTML](https://mova.elamur.ai/free/en/corpora/tales/pg70959/1/page/2/) [home](https://md.mova.elamur.ai/free/en/) / [corpora](https://md.mova.elamur.ai/free/en/corpora/) / [tales](https://md.mova.elamur.ai/free/en/corpora/tales/) / [Ikom folk stories from Southern Nigeria](https://md.mova.elamur.ai/free/en/corpora/tales/pg70959/) / Opening # Opening · page 2 [1](https://md.mova.elamur.ai/free/en/corpora/tales/pg70959/1/) **2** When I first came to this district, poisoning was rife, and human sacrifices were of frequent occurrence.[79](../../79/ "tree and pragmatics") Whenever a chief died several slaves were killed and buried with him, and it was no uncommon thing for a whole family to accuse another family of witchcraft.[80](../../80/ "tree and pragmatics") They would then resort to the usual trial by ordeal of burning oil and \_essure\_ (poison) bean, which would result in several deaths.[81](../../81/ "tree and pragmatics") These evil practices have been practically stopped now, but the native belief in witchcraft and ju-ju is just as strong as ever, although they know quite well that to call a man a witch is an offence for which they will get into trouble.[82](../../82/ "tree and pragmatics") As an instance of the native belief in the witch bird (the owl), I would mention a case which came under my notice.[83](../../83/ "tree and pragmatics") Some few years ago I happened to be having some bush cleared and some large trees cut down on the station at Okuni.[84](../../84/ "tree and pragmatics") An owl was disturbed from one of the trees which was covered with creepers, and flew out hooting.[85](../../85/ "tree and pragmatics") One of the station labourers who knew a little English, said: “Poor Okuni.”[86](../../86/ "tree and pragmatics") I at once asked him why he said so, and he replied, “When them witch bird cry for day time, some man go die.”[87](../../87/ "tree and pragmatics") I said, “Nonsense,” or something to that effect, and thought no more about it.[88](../../88/ "tree and pragmatics") Shortly afterwards the eleven o’clock bell rang, and the boys went home for food.[89](../../89/ "tree and pragmatics") When they returned at one o’clock to work, the boy who had spoken about the owl said, “Man done die for Okuni when them witch bird cry.”[90](../../90/ "tree and pragmatics") I then sent to the town and found that a man had died in the morning.[91](../../91/ "tree and pragmatics") This was proof positive to the boy’s mind that whenever the owl hooted in the daytime a man would die, and no amount of explanation would alter his belief.[92](../../92/ "tree and pragmatics") It was a case of “I told you so.”[93](../../93/ "tree and pragmatics") It is noteworthy that when you get over the watershed between the Cross River and the Katsena (Niger), and into the Munchi country, ju-ju does not seem to exist in the same way as it does further south.[94](../../94/ "tree and pragmatics") In the year 1909, while I was Political Officer on the Anglo-German Boundary Commission, I marched up through the Munchi country into Northern Nigeria, and back again, being absent from my district altogether about six months.[95](../../95/ "tree and pragmatics") During the whole of that time there was not a single death in any of the Munchi or Domi towns where I stayed.[96](../../96/ "tree and pragmatics") It was so noticeable that even the soldiers and carriers remarked upon the absence of deaths, and could not understand the reason.[97](../../97/ "tree and pragmatics") It may have been that the country was more healthy, and we may have been very fortunate, but the fact remains that where there was no ju-ju there were no deaths, and when we returned to the country of ju-ju deaths were of frequent occurrence.[98](../../98/ "tree and pragmatics") It has been suggested in one of the criticisms on my \_Folk Stories from Southern Nigeria\_ that the native words should be given on one side of the page, and a fairly literal translation on the other.[99](../../99/ "tree and pragmatics") This would, however, involve a larger expenditure of time than I have at my disposal.[100](../../100/ "tree and pragmatics") There are ten different languages spoken in this district, and it would be extremely difficult to give exact translations of the stories, particularly as some of them as told would be quite unfit for publication.[101](../../101/ "tree and pragmatics") The stories have, however, been set down as nearly as possible in the way they were related to me, the only alterations made being those necessary to render the tales into simple English, as bush English would not be understood, and certain passages containing objectionable matter have been omitted.[102](../../102/ "tree and pragmatics") In some of the stories it may be noticed that articles such as plates, glasses, bottles of gin, brass pans, and pots have been mentioned, also the use of locks and keys has been introduced into at least one of the tales, although it is quite obvious that the above-mentioned articles could not have existed in this country when the majority of the stories were first related, I have written them down when they were so translated by the interpreter.[103](../../103/ "tree and pragmatics") It is not difficult to understand how some of the things crept into the stories.[104](../../104/ "tree and pragmatics") For example, demijons (which are brought up river from Calabar filled with rum) are used every day in most of the towns for tombo, and glass tumblers are also quite common, and it is easily conceivable that a native, who is accustomed to using these articles, in relating a story might say in his language the equivalent for “The pourer-out then took the demijon of tombo and poured some into a glass which he gave to the chief,” instead of saying, “The pourer-out then poured some tombo from the calabash into the drinking-horn which he handed to the chief.”[105](../../105/ "tree and pragmatics") The latter translation would probably be far nearer to the original version.[106](../../106/ "tree and pragmatics") It is also extremely doubtful whether brass rods, which are mentioned so frequently, existed at the date of many of the stories.[107](../../107/ "tree and pragmatics") The approximate date of the importation of rods into this country is probably known, and cannot be more than about sixty years ago, and most likely considerably less.[108](../../108/ "tree and pragmatics") The author is of the opinion that in the early days there was no form of native currency in the Ikom district.[109](../../109/ "tree and pragmatics") At the present time, rods are not used further north-east from Ikom than Umbaji, and in 1909, whilst on the Anglo-German Boundary Commission, he found that there was no form of native currency at Bassankwala, and no substitute therefore, with the possible exception of a few native forged iron hoes which found their way down from the north-west, and had a fixed marketable value.[110](../../110/ "tree and pragmatics") But the use of these implements is doubtless of a comparatively recent date, as nearly all the natives in that part use wooden hoes lashed on to the bent handles with tie-tie.[111](../../111/ "tree and pragmatics") In the country mentioned, all trade was and is still done by a system of barter and exchange.[112](../../112/ "tree and pragmatics") The Umbaji people exchanging salt and \_house rats\_ (which form an article of diet for the Bassankwala people, who are cannibals) for palm oil and yams.[113](../../113/ "tree and pragmatics") The Bassankwala people admitted to the author that they ate human beings, and had always done so, but they asserted vehemently that they did not eat their own dead--these they passed on to the next town, who sent them theirs in exchange.[114](../../114/ "tree and pragmatics") Prisoners taken in fighting or people killed were also eaten, and, from what the adjoining countries told the author, natives straying into their bush were similarly treated.[115](../../115/ "tree and pragmatics") These people, however, all promised, and were apparently perfectly sincere, at once to stop this abominable practice, at the same time saying that they were unaware they had been doing wrong, as they had never heard the white man’s laws before.[116](../../116/ "tree and pragmatics") It is perhaps noteworthy that these people, who are pure cannibals, all file their teeth to a sharp point.[117](../../117/ "tree and pragmatics") With reference to the eating of rats, it may be remarked that all the natives in the Ikom district eat the bush rat, which is quite different from the house or domestic species, but the Bassankwala people are the only natives the author has met who eat the “common or garden” house rat.[118](../../118/ "tree and pragmatics") The large fruit-eating bats, about which so many native stories are told, are looked upon as a great delicacy, and at Insofan on the Cross River, there is quite a trade done in them, one bat selling for one rod or sixpence in English money.[119](../../119/ "tree and pragmatics") In the evening, just before it gets dark, you can frequently see thousands of these bats flying off, high up in the air, to their favourite feeding places.[120](../../120/ "tree and pragmatics") The way they are obtained for food is simple and may be worth mentioning.[121](../../121/ "tree and pragmatics") On the bank opposite to Insofan there are some very tall trees covered with creepers, in which many thousands of these bats sleep during the day.[122](../../122/ "tree and pragmatics") A few hunters go out with their long Dane guns and station themselves one under each tree.[123](../../123/ "tree and pragmatics") Then when one man has found a thick cluster of bats, he fires into them, and with luck brings down a few.[124](../../124/ "tree and pragmatics") (The author has killed seven at one shot, with number 6 from a full choke 12-bore, at the particular request of a chief who wanted them for food.)[125](../../125/ "tree and pragmatics") Immediately the bats hear the gun fired, they desert the trees they are sheltering in, and commence circling around in the air, flying about in a most aimless and erratic sort of way, until, after about ten minutes, they settle on a different tree.[126](../../126/ "tree and pragmatics") Then another hunter fires, and so the game goes on.[127](../../127/ "tree and pragmatics") In connection with these creatures, it is curious to notice the agitation amongst the birds, should one happen to be disturbed in the day time.[128](../../128/ "tree and pragmatics") The same applies to the large eagle owls, who are invariably chased by the smaller birds, whenever they appear while the sun is up, but it is seldom the owl comes out in the day time, and then he takes shelter in some thick covert as soon as possible.[129](../../129/ "tree and pragmatics") E. D.[130](../../130/ "tree and pragmatics") [1](https://md.mova.elamur.ai/free/en/corpora/tales/pg70959/1/) **2** - ← previous: [page 1](https://md.mova.elamur.ai/free/en/corpora/tales/pg70959/1/) - next →: [Ikom Folk Stories From Southern Nigeria.](https://md.mova.elamur.ai/free/en/corpora/tales/pg70959/2/) - ↑ back to [Ikom folk stories from Southern Nigeria](https://md.mova.elamur.ai/free/en/corpora/tales/pg70959/)