---
title: The Story of Five Heads. — Kaffir folk-lore · full text with trees
description: The Story of Five Heads., «Kaffir folk-lore» by George McCall Theal: the whole chapter, every sentence with its dependency tree and pragmatics. It begins: In this story some liberty is taken with the Kaffir marriage ceremonies, a description of which will serve as a key to much that is contained in 
---

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# The Story of Five Heads.

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The Story of Five Heads. of «Kaffir folk-lore» by George McCall Theal: the whole text, 53 sentences and 1319 words. The small number after every sentence leads to its own page with its syntax tree and pragmatics, parsed by Mova itself.

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In this story some liberty is taken with the Kaffir marriage ceremonies, a description of which will serve as a key to much that is contained in several of these tales.[1](1/ "tree and pragmatics") The whole of the ceremonies are included in the term umdudo, a word derived from the verb ukududa, which means to dance by springing up and down, as ukuxentsa means to dance by moving the upper part of the body.[2](2/ "tree and pragmatics") The dance at a marriage is considered of more importance than any of the others, and is therefore frequently practised until skill in its performance is attained.[3](3/ "tree and pragmatics")

The marriage of a young Kaffir woman is arranged by her father or guardian, and she is not legally supposed to be consulted in the choice of a husband.[4](4/ "tree and pragmatics") In point of fact, however, matches arising from mutual love are not uncommon.[5](5/ "tree and pragmatics") In such cases, if any difficulties are raised by the guardians on either side, the young people do not scruple to run away together, after which their relatives usually come to an arrangement.[6](6/ "tree and pragmatics") Yet instances are not wanting of girls being compelled against their wishes to marry old men, who have already perhaps five or six wives.[7](7/ "tree and pragmatics") Kaffir ideas of some kinds of morality are very low.[8](8/ "tree and pragmatics") The custom is general for a married woman to have a lover who is not her husband, and little or no disgrace attaches to her on this account.[9](9/ "tree and pragmatics") The lover is legally subject to a fine of no great amount, and the husband may give the woman a beating, but that finishes the penalty.[10](10/ "tree and pragmatics")

That which makes a Kaffir marriage binding in their estimation, is not the performance of a ceremony, but the transfer of a certain number of cattle, as agreed upon, from the husband or his friends to the father or guardian of the woman.[11](11/ "tree and pragmatics") In practice the umdudo is often deferred to a convenient season, yet the woman is considered not less a wife, and her children not less legal, provided always that the transfer of cattle has taken place according to agreement.[12](12/ "tree and pragmatics") This system of transfer of cattle is of great advantage to a Kaffir female.[13](13/ "tree and pragmatics") It protects her from gross ill-treatment by her husband, as violence gives a woman’s relatives a right to claim her divorce without restoring the cattle.[14](14/ "tree and pragmatics") It creates protectors for herself and her children in the persons of all the individuals among whom the cattle are shared.[15](15/ "tree and pragmatics") And lastly, it gives her the status of a married woman in the estimation of her people, whereas, if no cattle are transferred, she is not regarded by them as having the rank of a wife.[16](16/ "tree and pragmatics")

Marriages are absolutely prohibited between people of the same family title.[17](17/ "tree and pragmatics") This peculiarity seems to indicate that the tribes and clans of the present day are combinations of others that were dispersed before their traditional history commenced.[18](18/ "tree and pragmatics") A man may marry a woman of the same clan that he belongs to, provided she is not a blood relative; but he may not marry a woman whose father’s family title is the same as his own, even though no relationship can be traced between them, and the one may belong to the Xosa and the other to the Pondo tribe.[19](19/ "tree and pragmatics") As an instance, we will take a man who belongs to, say, the Dushane clan of the Xosa tribe, and whose family title is the Amanywabe.[20](20/ "tree and pragmatics") Among the Tembus, the Pondos, the Zulus, and many other tribes, are people with this same family title.[21](21/ "tree and pragmatics") They cannot trace any relationship with each other, but wherever they are found they have ceremonies peculiar to themselves.[22](22/ "tree and pragmatics") Thus the customs observed at the birth of a child are exactly the same in every part of the country among people of the same family title, though they may never have heard of each other, while neighbours of the same clan, but of different family titles, have these customs altogether dissimilar.[23](23/ "tree and pragmatics") All the children take the family title of the father, and can thus marry people of the same family title as the mother, provided they are not closely related in blood.[24](24/ "tree and pragmatics")

Marriage proposals may come from the father or guardian of the young woman, or they may first be made by the man himself or the relatives of the man who wishes to take a wife.[25](25/ "tree and pragmatics") The father of a young man frequently selects a bride for him, and intimates his wish by sending a messenger to make proposals to the girl’s father or guardian.[26](26/ "tree and pragmatics") In this case the messenger takes some cattle with him, when, if the advances are favourably received, an assagai is sent back, after which the relatives of the young people discuss and finally arrange the terms of the marriage.[27](27/ "tree and pragmatics") If the proposal comes from the girl’s father, he sends an assagai, which is accepted if the suit is agreeable, or returned if it is not.[28](28/ "tree and pragmatics")

When the preliminary arrangements are concluded, a bridal procession is formed at the young woman’s kraal, to escort her to her future home.[29](29/ "tree and pragmatics") It consists of her relatives and all the young people of both sexes who can get away.[30](30/ "tree and pragmatics") It leaves at such a time as to arrive at its destination after dark, and endeavours to reach the place without attracting notice.[31](31/ "tree and pragmatics") The bridal party takes with it a cow, given by the bride’s father or guardian to confer fortune upon her, and hence called the Inqakwe.[32](32/ "tree and pragmatics") This cow is afterwards well taken care of by the husband.[33](33/ "tree and pragmatics") The party has also an ox provided by the same person, as his contribution towards the marriage feast.[34](34/ "tree and pragmatics") On the following morning at daylight the ox is killed, when a portion of the meat is taken by the bride’s party, and the remainder is left for the people of the kraal.[35](35/ "tree and pragmatics") The bridegroom’s friends then send messengers to invite the people of the neighbourhood to the feast, and as soon as these arrive the dancing commences.[36](36/ "tree and pragmatics")

In the dance the men stand in lines three, four, or more rows in depth, according to their number, and at a little distance behind the women stand in the same order, that is, they are ranged as follows:—[37](37/ "tree and pragmatics")

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—————————————————————— LINES —————————————————————— OF —————————————————————— MEN. ——————————————————————[38](38/ "tree and pragmatics")

OPEN SPACE.[39](39/ "tree and pragmatics")

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—————————————————————— LINES OF —————————————————————— WOMEN. ——————————————————————[40](40/ "tree and pragmatics")

The men stand with their heads erect and their arms locked together.[41](41/ "tree and pragmatics") They are nearly naked, but wear ornaments of brass around their waists.[42](42/ "tree and pragmatics") The trappings of the war dance are altogether wanting.[43](43/ "tree and pragmatics") The women are, however, in full dress, for their part consists only in singing.[44](44/ "tree and pragmatics") When all are ready, a man who has been selected for the purpose commences to sing, the others immediately join in, and at a certain note the whole of the men rise together from the ground.[45](45/ "tree and pragmatics") The dance consists merely in springing straight up and coming down with a quivering of the body; but when the men warm to it, it gives them great satisfaction.[46](46/ "tree and pragmatics") The song is very monotonous, the same note occurring at every rise from the ground.[47](47/ "tree and pragmatics") This dancing, with intervals of rest and feasting, continues as long as the bridegroom’s relatives supply oxen for slaughter.[48](48/ "tree and pragmatics") A day suffices for a poor man, but a rich man’s marriage festivities may last a week or upwards.[49](49/ "tree and pragmatics")

On the closing day the bridegroom and his friends march from one hut, while the bride and her party march from another, so as to meet in front of the entrance to the cattle kraal.[50](50/ "tree and pragmatics") The bride carries an assagai in her hand, which she throws so as to stick in the ground inside the kraal in an upright position.[51](51/ "tree and pragmatics") This is the last of the ceremonies, and the guests immediately begin to disperse, each man taking home the milk-sack which he had brought with him.[52](52/ "tree and pragmatics") In olden times ox-races usually took place on the closing day; but this custom is now falling into neglect.[53](53/ "tree and pragmatics")

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