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# 27. Negation

**On this page**

1. [1. *Ne … pas* and the positions of the two parts](#1-ne--pas-and-the-positions-of-the-two-parts)
2. [2. The negative words](#2-the-negative-words)
3. [3. Negative words as subjects, and in compound tenses](#3-negative-words-as-subjects-and-in-compound-tenses)
4. [4. Several negative words: negative concord](#4-several-negative-words-negative-concord)
5. [5. Negation without a verb: *non, pas, si*](#5-negation-without-a-verb-non-pas-si)
6. [6. *Ne … que*: restriction](#6-ne--que-restriction)
7. [7. Speech: *ne* dropped](#7-speech-ne-dropped)
8. [8. *De* after negation](#8-de-after-negation)
9. [9. Expletive *ne* and *ne* alone](#9-expletive-ne-and-ne-alone)
10. [10. Constituent negation and scope](#10-constituent-negation-and-scope)
11. [11. Where it came from: *ne*, *pas* and the cycle](#11-where-it-came-from-ne-pas-and-the-cycle)
12. [12. The UD analysis](#12-the-ud-analysis)
13. [13. How Mova handles it](#13-how-mova-handles-it)
14. [14. Sources](#14-sources)

Standard written French negates a clause with two words. The first is *ne*, a clitic placed before the finite verb and its object clitics. The second says what kind of negation it is: *pas* "not", *plus* "no longer", *jamais* "never", *rien* "nothing", *personne* "nobody", *aucun* "no, none", *nulle part* "nowhere", *guère* "hardly", *point* "not at all" (literary, regional). In speech *ne* is mostly dropped and the second word carries the negation alone: *Je sais pas*. Two negative words in one clause do not cancel each other: *Il ne dit jamais rien à personne* is one negation. And *ne* also occurs without negative meaning, in *ne … que* "only" and as the "expletive" *ne* of some subordinate clauses. This chapter gives the two-part negation and its positions, the negative words, negative concord, *ne … que*, the dropping of *ne* in speech with counts, the *de* after negation, constituent negation and scope, expletive *ne*, the history of the system, and the UD analysis.

Contents:

1. *Ne … pas* and the positions of the two parts
2. The negative words
3. Negative words as subjects, and in compound tenses
4. Several negative words: negative concord
5. Negation without a verb: *non, pas, si*
6. *Ne … que*: restriction
7. Speech: *ne* dropped
8. *De* after negation
9. Expletive *ne* and *ne* alone
10. Constituent negation and scope
11. Where it came from: *ne*, *pas* and the cycle
12. The UD analysis
13. How Mova handles it
14. Sources

---

## 1. *Ne … pas* and the positions of the two parts

***Ne*** stands immediately before the finite verb; only the object clitics, *y* and *en* may come between them. ***Pas*** stands immediately after the finite verb:

> Je **ne** sais **pas**. *I NEG know not* — "I don't know."

> Il **ne** le lui donne **pas**. *he NEG it to-him gives not* — "He doesn't give it to him."

Before a vowel or a mute *h*, *ne* elides to *n'*: *Elle n'aime pas le café. Il n'habite pas ici.*

**Compound tenses.** The finite verb is the auxiliary, so the two parts surround it and the participle comes after *pas*: *Je n'ai pas compris. Elle n'est pas venue.* Short adverbs go after *pas*: *Je n'ai pas encore mangé, Il n'a pas bien compris*.

**Infinitives.** With an infinitive the two parts stand together before it and before its clitics: *Il préfère ne pas répondre. Prière de ne pas le déranger. Je regrette de ne pas l'avoir vu.* The older order with *pas* after the infinitive of *être* or *avoir* (*n'être pas, ne l'avoir pas vu*) survives in careful prose; it is correct but marked.

**Inversion.** The subject pronoun follows the verb and *pas* follows the subject pronoun: *Ne viens-tu pas ? N'a-t-il pas déjà payé ? Ne le lui avez-vous pas dit ?* (chapter 26).

**The imperative.** *Ne* and *pas* surround the verb and the object clitics go before it, as in a statement: *Ne le fais pas ! Ne me parle pas !* (the positive imperative has the clitics after the verb: *Fais-le !*).

**Modals and the infinitive.** Negation can bear on the modal or on the infinitive: *Je ne peux pas venir* "I can't come" / *Je peux ne pas venir* "I may not come, I'm allowed not to"; *Il ne doit pas partir* "He mustn't leave" / *Il doit ne pas partir* (rare). Both can be negated: *Je ne peux pas ne pas venir* "I can't not come".

## 2. The negative words

| second word | meaning | place in a simple tense | in a compound tense | example |
| --- | --- | --- | --- | --- |
| *pas* | not | after the verb | after the auxiliary | *Il ne vient pas. Il n'est pas venu.* |
| *plus* | no longer, no more | after the verb | after the auxiliary | *Il ne vient plus.* |
| *jamais* | never | after the verb | after the auxiliary | *Je n'ai jamais vu ça.* |
| *guère* | hardly | after the verb | after the auxiliary | *Il ne vient guère.* |
| *point* | not at all (literary, regional) | after the verb | after the auxiliary | *Il ne vient point.* |
| *rien* | nothing | object after the verb | between auxiliary and participle | *Il ne voit rien. Il n'a rien vu.* |
| *personne* | nobody | object after the verb | after the participle | *Il ne voit personne. Il n'a vu personne.* |
| *aucun, aucune* | no, not any | determiner or pronoun | in the place of the noun phrase | *Il n'a aucune idée. Aucun ne répond.* |
| *nul, nulle* | no (formal) | determiner or pronoun | idem | *Nul n'est censé ignorer la loi.* |
| *nulle part* | nowhere | after the verb | after the participle | *Il n'est allé nulle part.* |
| *ni … ni* | neither … nor | before each coordinated term | idem | *Il ne boit ni vin ni bière.* |

**Rien and personne behave differently** in compound tenses: *rien* stands like an adverb between the auxiliary and the participle (*Je n'ai rien vu*), *personne* stays in the object position after the participle (*Je n'ai vu personne*). With an infinitive, *rien* precedes it (*ne rien dire*) and *personne* follows (*ne voir personne*).

**Aucun** is singular in the standard (*Il n'a aucun ami*) except with plural-only nouns (*aucuns frais*). ***Nul*** is formal and proverbial. ***Point*** is the literary or regional equivalent of *pas* (GSD has 3). ***Guère*** is formal (3 in GSD).

**Frequencies.** In GSD the second words that occur with `Polarity=Neg` (UD 2.18, 2026-11-06) are *pas* 1 034, *plus* 96, *jamais* 86; the negative pronouns and determiners are counted by form: *jamais* 90, *rien* 76, *aucun* 64, *aucune* 58, *personne* (as a pronoun) 18, *nul* 7.

## 3. Negative words as subjects, and in compound tenses

*Personne, rien, aucun, nul* can be the subject. They come first, *ne* still precedes the verb, and there is no *pas*:

> **Personne ne** répond. — **Rien n'**a changé. — **Aucun** élève **n'**est venu. — **Nul n'**est censé ignorer la loi.

**Personne ne répond pas* is ungrammatical in the standard: *pas* does not combine with the negative pronouns (§4).

## 4. Several negative words: negative concord

The negative words combine, with one *ne*, and the meaning stays a single negation:

> Il **ne** dit **jamais rien** à **personne**. *he NEG says never nothing to nobody* — "He never says anything to anyone."

> Je **ne** le verrai **plus jamais**. — "I'll never see him again."

> **Personne n'**a **rien** dit. — "Nobody said anything."

This is negative concord. The order of several adverbs is fixed: *plus jamais* or *jamais plus*, *jamais rien*, *plus rien*, *plus personne*, *jamais personne*.

***Pas* is not a concord word.** It does not combine with *rien, personne, jamais, plus* in the standard (**Il ne dit pas rien*). When it does, in speech, the negation is truly double: % *Il dit pas rien* "He doesn't say nothing" = he says something. *Pas un* "not one" and *pas de* are standard.

**Two readings with two negative words.** A sentence with two potentially negative terms such as *Personne n'a rien vu* has a single-negation reading ("nobody saw anything") and, in a suitable context, a double-negation reading ("nobody saw nothing" = everybody saw something). A production study had twenty speakers say such sentences in contexts that called for one reading or the other and found that the two readings have different prosody: in the single-negation reading the first negative word is prominent and the second compressed, as if dependent on it; in the double-negation reading both are prominent and phrased separately, the subject in its own phrase (deprez-2022).

## 5. Negation without a verb: *non, pas, si*

In an answer or a fragment the second word alone is negative: *— Qui est venu ? — Personne. — Tu en veux ? — Jamais de la vie ! — Pas moi.*

***Non*** is the negative answer and the negation of a phrase without a verb: *— Tu viens ? — Non. Il est content, moi non. une solution non violente, non sans mal, non seulement … mais*. In GSD *non* has `Polarity=Neg` 130 times. ***Pas*** replaces *non* before an adjective, an adverb, a pronoun and in the spoken language generally: *pas toujours, pas du tout, pas moi, pas mal, pourquoi pas ?*

***Si*** answers a negative question positively (*— Tu ne viens pas ? — Si !*), where *oui* would sound wrong; it is also the embedded positive particle (*Je crois que si*; chapter 26, §8).

***Sans*** carries a negation of its own: it takes *de* like a negation, or no article (*sans argent, sans aucun doute*), and the negative words without *ne*: *sans rien dire, sans voir personne, sans jamais revenir*.

## 6. *Ne … que*: restriction

*Ne … que* means "only". The sentence is positive. *Que* stands immediately before the phrase it restricts, wherever that is:

> **fr-ud-dev_01038** · UD French GSD Les américains ne les rejoindront que quatre ans plus tard avec le programme Mariner. *the Americans NEG them will-join only four years more late with the programme Mariner* — "The Americans would only join them four years later, with the Mariner programme."

> Il **ne** boit **que** de l'eau. — "He drinks only water."

Because the sentence is positive, the article is not reduced to *de* (§8): *Il ne boit que **de l'**eau*, not **que d'eau*. *Ne … que* combines with the negative words: *Il n'y a plus que lui* "There's only him left". *Ne … pas que* is "not only": *Il n'y a pas que ça* "That's not all there is". The cleft *ce n'est que … que* restricts a whole phrase:

> **fr-ud-dev_01310** · UD French GSD Ce n'est qu'à l'issue de ce délai que l'ordonnance pourra être notifiée au prévenu. "Only once this period is over can the order be served on the accused."

The restriction cannot bear on the subject: *Seul Paul est venu* or *Il n'y a que Paul qui est venu*, not **Que Paul n'est venu*. In GSD 196 sentences have *ne* with *que* as their only second word (2026-11-06), and *que/qu'* has `Polarity=Neg` 245 times. Speech, which drops *ne*, uses *seulement* or *juste* instead: % *Il boit juste de l'eau*; the bare *que* of % *Il boit que de l'eau* is also common.

## 7. Speech: *ne* dropped

In ordinary spoken French, in all regions and at all social levels, *ne* is mostly left out: % *Je sais pas. Il vient plus. Y a personne. J'ai rien vu.* The written standard keeps *ne*, and so do formal speech, broadcast news and reading aloud.

How often *ne* is present in a sentence with a negative word (UD 2.18, 2026-11-06; a negative word is *pas, plus, jamais, rien, personne, aucun, guère, point, nul* in their negative use):

| treebank | negative words | sentence has *ne* | with *pas* only |
| --- | --- | --- | --- |
| GSD (written) | 1 450 | 91.7% | 965 of 1 034 (93%) |
| Sequoia (written) | 365 | 96.2% | 272 of 281 (97%) |
| Rhapsodie (spoken, mixed registers) | 461 | 45.1% | 157 of 374 (42%) |
| ParisStories (spoken narratives) | 497 | 16.1% | 52 of 416 (12.5%) |

The ParisStories narratives, told by young speakers of the Paris region, keep *ne* with one *pas* in eight; Rhapsodie, which includes interviews and more formal speech, with two in five; the written treebanks almost always. The written sentences without *ne* are mostly not omissions: *non pas, pas du tout, pourquoi pas, pas encore* without a verb.

**Where *ne* is kept in speech.** It is more often kept with negative pronoun subjects (*personne ne sait, rien n'a changé*), in set phrases (*n'importe qui, ne serait-ce que, n'empêche que*), in careful style and with *ne … que*, though in ParisStories even *personne* and *rien* appear without it more often than with it (3 of 9 and 9 of 26 with *ne*). Dropping *ne* is the norm of the spoken language, not a mistake.

## 8. *De* after negation

Under negation a direct object with the indefinite article (*un, une, des*) or the partitive (*du, de la, des*) takes *de* (*d'*) instead:

> J'ai **un** vélo. → Je n'ai **pas de** vélo. Il boit **du** vin. → Il ne boit **pas de** vin.

> **fr-ud-dev_00353** · UD French GSD La fille qui répond n'a pas de temps à nous consacrer et est impatiente. "The girl who answers has no time to give us and is impatient."

The rule holds for a direct object under *pas, plus, jamais, guère, point* (fraser-1921, §324: *de* alone "after a general negation, implying non-existence of the object"; the article returns when "the negation is no longer general", and in a negative question expecting the answer yes: *N'avez-vous pas des amis ?*). It does not hold:

- after *être* and the other copulas: *Ce n'est pas **un** problème*;
- with a definite article: *Je n'aime pas **le** café*;
- under *ne … que*, which is not negative (§6);
- when the negation bears on something else and the object exists: *Je n'ai pas acheté **une** voiture, j'en ai acheté deux*; *Il n'a pas dit **un** mot* "not a single word".

In GSD the noun objects of verbs (other than *être*) negated by *pas, plus, jamais* have *de/d'* as their first determiner or preposition 80 times and an indefinite *un, une, des* 31 times; the rest have a definite, possessive or demonstrative (2026-11-06). In UD this *de* is a `det` of the noun with `Definite=Ind`, not a preposition.

## 9. Expletive *ne* and *ne* alone

**Expletive *ne*.** In some subordinate clauses a *ne* appears without a second word and without negative meaning. The grammars call it *ne explétif*. It is optional, belongs to careful written style and is left out in speech (cledat-1894, §439):

- after verbs of fearing and avoiding: *Je crains qu'il ne vienne* "I'm afraid he may come"; *Prends garde que cela ne se fasse; Empêchez qu'il ne sorte* (fraser-1921, §269);
- after *avant que, à moins que* and, disputed, *sans que*: *avant qu'il ne parte*;
- after a comparative of inequality: *Il est plus grand que je ne pensais*; *Il vaut mieux que, moins que vous ne croyez*;
- after *de peur que, de crainte que*.

> **fr-ud-train_00181** · UD French GSD Cette technique fut reçue avec méfiance de par le monde, certains réalisateurs craignant que les dialogues ne détournent l'attention des spectateurs … "The technique was received with suspicion throughout the world, some directors fearing that dialogue would distract the audience's attention …"

> **fr-ud-train_06991** · UD French GSD Vittoria se précipite pour rejoindre son époux, mais la nouvelle de sa mort l'atteint avant qu'elle n'arrive. "Vittoria rushes to join her husband, but the news of his death reaches her before she arrives."

A negative fear needs the full negation: *Je crains qu'il ne vienne pas* "I'm afraid he won't come". The expletive *ne* after verbs of fearing continues the Latin *nē* of fear clauses (*timeō nē veniat*: [la chapter 10](https://md.mova.elamur.ai/free/en/docs/languages/la/10-subordination/), §4).

**Apparent expletive *pas* in Québec.** Québec French has a *pas* in relative clauses after superlatives and universal quantifiers that seems to have no negative force: *C'est le plus beau blé qu'il y a pas sur le marché* "It's the most beautiful wheat there is on the market". An analysis of these constructions argues that this *pas* is not a new kind of expletive but an ordinary negation of a silent comparative ("than there is not on the market"), which explains its effect of widening the domain of the superlative (labelle-2023).

***Ne* alone with negative force.** In literary French *ne* without a second word still negates in a few contexts, which continue the Old French use of *ne* alone (brunot-1899, §484): with *pouvoir, savoir, oser, cesser* (*Je ne peux le croire, Je ne sais que faire, Il n'ose répondre, Il ne cesse de parler*), in set phrases (*n'importe, qu'à cela ne tienne, à Dieu ne plaise, si ce n'est*), after *si* in some conditions (*Si je ne me trompe*), after *depuis que, il y a … que* with a compound tense (*Il y a un an que je ne l'ai vu*), and in a relative after a negative main clause (*Je ne vois personne qui ne vous admire*).

> **fr-ud-dev_01045** · UD French GSD … les représentants britanniques ne pouvaient accéder librement aux habitations, … "… the British representatives could not freely enter the houses, …"

**How frequent.** In GSD 1 636 *ne/n'* occur in 16 342 sentences; 1 345 sentences with *ne* have a negative second word, 196 have only *que* (restriction), 15 only *ni*, and 80 have *ne* with none of these — the expletive *ne*, *ne* alone with *pouvoir* or *savoir*, and fixed phrases (*n'importe quoi, n'est autre que*: fr-ud-dev_00686, *La longueur du module M n'est autre que sa longueur comme groupe à opérateurs*) (2026-11-06).

## 10. Constituent negation and scope

The negation of *ne … pas* covers the clause; what it denies in particular is often only what is new or stressed: *Il n'est pas venu en voiture (, il est venu à pied)*. The focus of negation is marked by stress, by a correction (*pas … mais …*), or by a cleft: *Ce n'est pas Paul qui a dit ça*.

**Constituent negation** without a verb uses *non* or *pas*: *une victoire non méritée, pas toujours, pas du tout, non sans mal*, and the affixes *in-, im-, il-, ir-, dé-, dés-, mal-, non-* (*impossible, illégal, désordre, malhonnête, non-lieu*). A study of negation detection in French biomedical texts lists the cues of negation as morphological (the prefixes *a-, in-, dis-*), lexical (*absence de, à l'exception de*) and grammatical (*non, ne … pas, ni … ni*), and reports cue detection with an F-measure up to 97% with CRF and BiLSTM taggers; the scope, the part of the sentence denied, is the harder task (dalloux-2019).

**Negation and quantifiers.** *Tous les élèves ne sont pas venus* is ambiguous in writing — "not all came" (the usual reading) or "none came" — and *Tous ne sont pas venus* means "not all". The unambiguous forms are *Les élèves ne sont pas tous venus* ("not all") and *Aucun élève n'est venu* ("none").

**Negative raising.** *Je ne pense pas qu'il vienne* is understood as "I think he won't come", with the subjunctive (chapter 24, §5); *Je ne crois pas*, *Je ne veux pas que* behave the same.

**Litotes** is a figure of the French classical style: *Va, je ne te hais point* "Go, I do not hate you" (= I love you); *Ce n'est pas mal* "It's quite good"; *pas bête* "clever".

## 11. Where it came from: *ne*, *pas* and the cycle

Latin *non* gave Old French *nen*, weakened to *ne*, which at first sufficed alone to negate a clause (brunot-1899, §484). To reinforce it, Old French added nouns naming very small things — *pas* "step", *point* "dot", *mie* "crumb", *goutte* "drop" — so that *ne … pas* first meant "not a step", the picture fading until the noun only marked the negation (brunot-1899, §485). By the 16th century the use of *pas* or *point* with *ne* was almost general, and the grammarians of the 17th century made it a rule: Corneille corrected a line with *ne* alone in 1660 (brunot-1899, §484). Spoken French then dropped *ne*, leaving *pas* as the negation. This sequence — a negator, reinforced, replaced by the reinforcer — is the cycle known since Jespersen; French is its textbook case. The negative pronouns *rien* (from Latin *rem* "thing") and *personne* ("person") went the same way: they meant "anything" and "anybody" in Old French and became negative by their constant use with *ne*.

## 12. The UD analysis

UD French marks negation on the words, not as a separate layer:

- *ne/n'* and the negative adverbs (*pas, plus, jamais, point, guère*) are `ADV` with `Polarity=Neg`, each attached to the predicate as `advmod`; in a compound tense to the participle (the head), not to the auxiliary;
- the *que* of *ne … que* is also `ADV` with `Polarity=Neg` and `advmod`, but it attaches to the phrase it restricts (in fr-ud-dev_01038 to *tard*), not to the verb;
- the negative pronouns *rien, personne* are `PRON` with `PronType=Neg` in their argument relation (`nsubj`, `obj`); *aucun, nul* are `DET` or `PRON`;
- *non* is `ADV` with `Polarity=Neg` (or `INTJ` as an answer).

The treebanks are not uniform: GSD marks *jamais* with `Polarity=Neg`, ParisStories and Rhapsodie with `PronType=Neg` and no `Polarity` (chapter 20, §8). The expletive *ne* is analysed exactly like the negative *ne* (`advmod`, `Polarity=Neg`): UD itself does not separate them. In GSD the words with `Polarity=Neg` are *pas* 1 034, *n'* 821, *ne* 811, *que/qu'* 245, *non* 130, *plus* 96, *jamais* 86.

## 13. How Mova handles it

**What is done.** `en xpos-fill` gives *ne, pas, plus, jamais* the tag `RB` and the parser learns their attachment from the French trees. Traces of the parser trained on the GSD training file (`en explain`, 12 epochs, beam 8, CPU, 2026-11-06):

| sentence | what Mova gives |
| --- | --- |
| *Je ne sais pas.* | right: *ne* and *pas* `advmod` of *sais* |
| *Je sais pas.* | right: *pas* `advmod` of *sais* (the dropped *ne* is no problem) |
| *Il ne vient plus.* | right: *ne* and *plus* `advmod` of *vient* |
| *Il ne boit ni vin ni bière.* | right: *ne* `advmod`, *bière* `conj` of *vin*, each *ni* `cc` |
| *Il ne boit que de l'eau.* | half right: *que* `advmod` of the object, as in GSD, but *l'eau* is one token, with *de* as its `case` |
| *Personne n'est venu.* | wrong: *n'est* is one token and becomes the root; *venu* is an `acl` |
| *Je n'ai rien vu.* | wrong: *n'ai* is one token and the root; *rien* its `obj`, *vu* an `acl` of *rien* |
| *Il n'a jamais rien dit à personne.* | wrong for the same reason: *n'a* the root, *dit* an `acl` of *rien* |
| *Elle n'a vu personne.* | wrong: *n'a* the root, *vu* its `xcomp` |
| *Rien n'a changé.* | half right: *changé* the root, *n'a* its `aux`, but *Rien* `nsubj:pass` |
| *Je crains qu'il ne vienne.* | wrong: *vienne* is the root, *crains* an `obl` of it, *Je* an `expl` |

The negation is learned well when *ne* is a separate word; it fails whenever *n'* is joined to the verb by the English tokenizer — that is, before every verb or auxiliary beginning with a vowel, which includes the auxiliary *avoir* (*n'ai, n'a, n'avons*) and *être* (*n'est*). Writing *n' ai* with a space does not help: the tokenizer then produces *n*, *'*, *ai* (tested 2026-11-06).

**What is not done.**

- **The meaning of the two-part negation.** Mova's frames reader (`prag/src/frames.rs`) takes negation from English words (*not, n't, never, no*). It does not know that *ne … pas* negates the frame, that *ne … que* does not, or that a lone *pas, plus, jamais* negates in speech. A French frame is never marked negative.
- **Negative concord.** *Jamais rien à personne* is one negation; nothing in Mova counts it as one.
- **Expletive *ne*** is not told from negative *ne*. In the trees both are `advmod` with `Polarity=Neg`; a rule would have to look at the governing word (*craindre, avant que*, a comparative) and at the missing second word.
- **The *de* after negation** is learned as a `det` of its noun; nothing checks it against the negation (**Il n'a pas des amis*).

These are the first things a French frames reader needs, in that order.

## 14. Sources

- Brunot, *Précis de grammaire historique de la langue française* (1899), §§484–485 (the simple negation *ne* and the reinforced negation *ne … pas, point, mie, goutte*): `brunot-1899`.
- Clédat, *Grammaire raisonnée de la langue française* (1894), §439 (*ne* alone and expletive negation): `cledat-1894`.
- Fraser, Squair & Coleman, *The New Fraser and Squair Complete French Grammar* (1921), §269 (*ne* after *prendre garde, éviter, empêcher*), §324 (*de* alone): `fraser-1921`.
- Déprez & Yeaton, *On the prosody of French ambiguous multiple negative sentences* (Glossa, 2022): `deprez-2022`.
- Labelle, *Apparent expletive negation, silent comparatives, and domain widening in Quebec French superlative and universal constructions* (Glossa, 2023): `labelle-2023`.
- Dalloux, Claveau & Grabar, *Speculation and negation detection in French biomedical corpora* (RANLP 2019): `dalloux-2019`.
- UD French GSD, Sequoia, ParisStories, Rhapsodie, UD 2.18; sentences cited by `sent_id`; counts made with `awk` over the CoNLL-U files, 2026-11-06.
- Mova: [`en/src/main.rs`](https://md.mova.elamur.ai/free/en/docs/en/) (`xpos_of`, `explain`), [`en/src/gram.rs`](https://md.mova.elamur.ai/free/en/docs/en/), [`prag/src/frames.rs`](https://md.mova.elamur.ai/free/en/docs/prag/).
- The full list is in [Sources](https://md.mova.elamur.ai/free/en/docs/languages/fr/sources/).
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- [↑ back to Modern Standard French (fr) — a reference manual for Mova](https://md.mova.elamur.ai/free/en/docs/languages/fr/)